I am thankful to the Capital Foundation Society for its invitation to me to be the Chief Guest at their Annual Lecture this year and for the opportunity given to me to address this distinguished gathering this evening. I feel particularly humble that the invitation for me to associate with this function came from none other than Hon’ble Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, an outstanding jurist, and a great human being, who is the patron of this prestigious Society. I compliment the Capital Foundation Society for their endeavours in bringing men of learning together to articulate and mobilize public opinion, thereby playing an important role in providing inputs in the formulation of public policies and programmes. I also take this opportunity to compliment all those distinguished persons who have been felicitated and honoured this evening for their commendable services to our society in different ways.

As is known that the Capital Foundation Society, has been regularly organizing Lectures and public discussions on areas of topical relevance with a view to strengthen our democratic structure. The Society has been working creatively and with distinction for the people’s cause in diverse areas and also for promoting democratic values. I recall that I had taken part in a Panel Discussion organized by the Capital Foundation Society on Electoral Reforms way back in 1989. I would like to thank the Society for giving me another opportunity today to share with you all some of my perspectives on the working of our democracy. Already into the seventh decade of freedom and democracy and keeping in mind that we are currently involved in yet another General Election, I have, today chosen to speak on ‘Six Decades of Democracy - The Way Forward’.

Friends, sixty years is a long period in the course of any journey, particularly for a country which has ventured on to the path of democracy after centuries-long struggle for freedom. It is an appropriate occasion for us to take stock of the distance we have covered, recount the successes and the set-backs we have experienced, analyse the crises we have encountered and visualize the challenges that lie ahead in our continuing endeavour for democratic consolidation in the country, currently caught at the crossroads of history.

There were quite a few people across the world who had expressed doubts about India’s ability to run a democratic system at the time when we gained Independence. Many, including statesmen of established democracies, felt that the extremely poor economic conditions, low literacy, the hierarchical societal structure, the multiple ethnic, religious and linguistic cleavages, were all factors that could inhibit and curtail democratic practices in a new-born Republic.

But, our Founding Fathers had tremendous faith in the capability and commitment of the Indian masses to successfully run a democratic system. Once, when Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru was confronted with the question, in the early years of freedom, 'After Nehru who?', his studied response was 'Three hundred and sixty million people' – that was the population of India then. And that was the kind of confidence our Founding Fathers had in our people to run a democratic system in our country. The rationale for democracy as Pandit Nehru put it was: I quote:

'We have definitely accepted the democratic process. … Because we think that in the final analysis, it promotes the growth of human beings and of society; because … we attach great value to individual spirit of man to grow…. We do want high standards of living, but not at the cost of man’s creative spirit, his creative energy, his spirit of adventure… of all those fine things of life which have ennobled man throughout the ages. …' Unquote.

The fourteen General Elections that we went through and numerous elections to the State Assemblies were marked by peaceful changes in government, which proves beyond doubt, our people’s commitment and capability to successfully run a democratic system. They have taken to the path of parliamentary democracy with remarkable ease. The current exercise of electing the Fifteenth Lok Sabha is proof, yet again, of a billion plus people’s commitment to democratic way of life and governance, in stark contrast to the dilution of democratic commitments in our own neighbourhood. Over the past six decades, our people have proven, time and again, that their political judgment cannot be taken for granted, that they are capable of weighing issues on merit, of assessing the performance of those in power against the ultimate yardstick of the impact that governance makes on their lives. They have been doing so by demonstrating exceptional prudence and uncanny wisdom in the exercise of their franchise. It is this quality that was reflected when they brought about changes in the Central Government of our country on 6 out of 14 occasions that we went through the General Elections.

This democratic consolidation, preserving and protecting the unity of such a heterogeneous country with one billion and more people, practising different religions, speaking innumerable languages, and home to a wide variety of customs and practices, has indeed been a gigantic challenge that our people have largely met, to the envy of many. Our achievements look particularly impressive given the failure of many countries that secured freedom around the same period as we did, to secure even the most elementary concomitants of a democratic system.

The sustenance of a vibrant parliamentary democracy all these years, no doubt, has been one of our significant achievements in the last six decades of freedom. Through our parliamentary polity reinforced by a multi-party system and provisions for free and fair elections to representative bodies, accountability of the Executive, independence of the Judiciary, existence of a free and vigilant Fourth Estate and an ever watchful citizenry, we have provided an effective institutional framework for a successful democracy. As Nobel Laureate Prof. Amartya Sen observed, and I quote: 'What India has achieved under democratic framework in the past over five decades is far more impressive and it overwhelms some of the shortcomings and failures.'

Into the seventh decade of freedom today, under the framework of democracy and a planned economy it provided, we have hopefully left behind the image of being a backward country and now we are acknowledged as a significant player in the global economy. Today, ours is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, even in the backdrops of the global meltdown, feeding the world’s second largest population, remaining largely insulated from the extra-ordinary crises several leading economies are confronted with of late. Besides having a formidable industrial and military base, we have built up one of the world’s largest pools of scientific and technological manpower. We have achieved all these despite the fact that in the past six decades, we have faced several critical situations, numerous challenges, insurgencies, waves of terrorism, proxy wars and external aggressions. In spite of myriad odds, our biggest achievement has been that the common man has retained faith in the democratic system.

During this period, we had also set out on the course to correct the gravely unjust hierarchical social order and to establish in its place a progressive and egalitarian society, thus offering hope to the millions who had been suffering for centuries, remaining on the fringes of a stifling and stratified social order. The removal of untouchability and treating everybody as equal before the law were revolutionary measures that we undertook to usher in a new era of equality and egalitarianism. The provisions of affirmative action and positive discriminations to empower the deprived and the weaker sections have changed the lives of millions of people for the better.

As is well known, the Parliament occupies a pivotal position in our system and the polity revolves around the institution of Parliament, which has come to symbolize the unity and integrity of the nation and the secular fabric of society. It is through the institution of Parliament that the collective will and wisdom of the nation is expressed, and the hopes and aspirations, ambitions and expectations, even the fears and frustrations, of the people are brought to the attention of the authorities.

Despite many remarkable achievements, the aberrations in the system, as reflected in the criminalization of politics or politicization of crime, rampant corruption and nepotism, all leading to the decline of our representative institutions which once stood proudly as the lofty temples of democracy, have, of late, assumed alarming proportions. Today, the Parliament, which is central to our polity and a symbol of our national unity, is facing a severe crisis of credibility and confidence. As the Presiding Officer of the Lok Sabha and as a member associated with the House for almost four decades, I have to admit with great agony that there has been a gradual decline in the character and the effectiveness of Parliament as a collective forum and as the supreme representative institution.

After six decades of Independence, we have come to a stage when questions are being asked about the workability of our democratic set-up based on the parliamentary system and about the utility and relevance of our vital democratic institutions. Politics in the country at present most worrisomely carries with it an image of intrigue, disorder and divisive attitudes of which the people want a needed change. Because of the competitive and confrontational politics that has overtaken the country, the democratic institutions are not able to discharge their fundamental functions effectively. Debates and discussions, the hallmarks of democracy, have been over-shadowed by disruptions, non-cooperation, intolerance of each other and other non-democratic alternatives, which have made the great institution of Parliament itself a subject of ridicule, inviting public opprobrium. Some sections within the Parliament and the State Legislatures are viewing many of our well-conceived parliamentary procedures as dispensable luxuries for our system. Of late, impelled by intolerance and confrontationist instinct and the politics of negativism, legitimate and well-conceived parliamentary devices like the Question Hour are being seen as totally avoidable democratic extravaganzas and the space for orderly legislative conduct is being occupied by attention-seeking and irresponsible behaviour, discrediting the people’s institution before the people themselves.

This, to my mind, is one of the most unfortunate aspects of the progression our democratic journey has achieved over the last sixty years. The complexion of the lofty temple of democracy and the highest forum of democratic debate, the Indian Parliament, has undergone a dramatic change over the last sixty years, unfortunately not for the better. The scenario in our State Legislatures, where situations warranting physical intervention of Marshals to restore order in the House, are becoming quite frequent, is far more regrettable.

The divisive politics in our country has contributed to reinforcing the religious, linguistic and casteist identities in society, thereby making the system a reflection of the existing social distortions, bereft of the essential national outlook. It is all the more worrisome that political power has got polarized around identities of caste, religion and language, seriously undermining the process of composite nation-building, as visualized during our struggle for freedom.

The political atmosphere in the country has got seriously vitiated, and the politics of intense confrontation, negativism and opposition at all costs is taking an upper hand, denying the much needed space for collective and consensual approach towards major national issues. The proliferation of political parties and groups based on religion, region, etc. with limited political agenda, has created a situation that is in direct conflict with the need to evolve a national vision and outlook. Making a serious departure from the past which was characterized by broad national consensus on issues like foreign policy and national security, presently partisan approach is applied by different sections for petty political gains, seriously compromising the country’s image and its long-term and vital interests. Even vital issues of development, in which our common people have the greatest stake, are held hostage to such divisive and confrontationist politics. The people watching all these, and finding themselves at the receiving end, are increasingly feeling helpless and despondent about such short-sighted and insensitive course of politics and are beginning to lose faith in the political system. All these call for serious introspection and concerted efforts from all concerned to restore politics on a healthier course for the benefit of all.

Democratic India today presents a contrasting picture of affluence and deprivation. On the one hand is the India of the rich, of those who have had the benefit of modern education and are intellectually and materially empowered and, on the other, is the India of those who live under conditions of poverty, deprivation, squalor, illiteracy, ignorance, intolerance and prejudices. Though we have succeeded in considerably reducing the magnitude of social iniquity, large sections of the people are still victims of the stratified social structure. Our endeavours for empowering women have only met with partial success. They are still not ensured of their due space in the larger representative and political decision-making bodies. Issues like lop-sided development, regional imbalances, with a sizeable section of the people living below the poverty line experiencing unemployment and under-employment, and denied of the benefits of advances in science and technology, without access to safe drinking water, dependable energy supply and good health-care continue to bedevil our governance mechanism. That being so, we have to concede that we have not been able to take the fullest advantage of democratic governance in the past six decades.

It is a strange paradox that while in the last decade, our economy grew at an average annual rate of about 7 per cent or more, about 40 per cent of the world’s poor still live in India. In spite of the completion of ten Five-Year Plans and implementation of numerous developmental schemes, nearly one third of our population is living below the poverty line. More than a fifth of our population even now does not have any access to quality health-care. With about a third of our population being illiterate, we are home to the largest number of illiterates in the world. Only about 10 per cent of our University-eligible youth have the real opportunity for that. A country with such an unequal distribution of opportunities and wealth will only create greater challenges for security and stability. According to Prof. Amartya Sen, 'The biggest failure in India is social inequality; it takes its toll both directly – in terms of quality of life – and indirectly – in terms of reducing the economic opportunities that the people have.' The polity fractured on religious, caste, regional and linguistic basis is greatly weakening our democratic structure and stifling the country’s progress, and it needs serious attention and sincere national efforts to reverse the process.

Several institutions associated with our democracy, from which the common people have great expectations, have not always been able to rise up to those popular expectations. Even after six decades of self-governance, we still have not succeeded in establishing an administrative framework sensitive to the needs of the people - the common man is still treated with indifference, if not contempt, by the bureaucracy in general. Nepotism, corruption, insensitivity to the concerns of the citizens and lack of transparency are the base of our bureaucracy. On another plane, the backlog of millions of pending cases has virtually paralyzed our legal system. Legal proceedings generally take years to be completed and are often not accessible to the average citizen. As a result, legal protection tends to remain beyond the effective reach of the people, mostly the poor. Not only have the courts become unapproachable and unaffordable for a large section of our population, the inordinately slow justice delivery system has shaken the faith of our citizens in our judicial system itself. Those at the receiving end of the system, obviously, end up suffering terrible injustice.

There is, therefore, an urgent need to take the initiative to restore our democracy on track, to win back the confidence of our people. Political reforms must be central to the overall reform of our society. The electoral system needs to be reformed and revamped to strengthen the representative character of our democracy. Presently, people are left with no initiative to convey their disapproval of their elected representatives’ performance, except by waiting till the next elections. To begin with, people must have the power to recall their elected representatives in the event the latter are not acting in tune with their interests. This will send a message and a warning, both, to political parties and to the politicians who do not follow the accepted norms of democracy.

The question we have to ask ourselves in this unhappy scenario is ‘where did we go wrong?’ Friends, the basic problem our democratic political system is facing today, to my mind, is that we tend to view politics, divorced from the social processes. Instead of looking at politics in isolation, we must understand that since politics is a part of the social transformation, the true nature of society would naturally reflect in the political processes also. In this context, it is worth recalling the words of Lenin, one of the greatest revolutionaries of the 20^th Century, who said that if politics determines our destiny, then we must determine what our politics be.

In other words, every citizen in a democracy must concern himself with the way the affairs of the State are managed and consciously associate himself with the democratic processes. John Stuart Mill’s wise words that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty must be understood in this context. Only when we take proactive interest to participate in and contribute to public affairs, can optimum conditions be created for good governance. As Plato said, if good people are not willing to enter politics, then they should be ready to be governed by bad people. And this is precisely the problem with Indian democratic politics today. When things go wrong, we are ready to indulge in the blame game, accusing almost everybody around, except ourselves. I firmly believe that unless public apathy towards politics is changed, we will find undeserving people gaining entry into our representative bodies, greatly compromising their sanctity as the highest forum of democratic debate, which will have serious consequences.

Last year, we conducted two Round Table Discussions under the auspices of the Lok Sabha on the theme of strengthening parliamentary democracy by involving eminent people from various walks of life such as the media, academia, the Bar, the industry, Civil Society representatives and political leaders. The deliberations proved to be thought provoking and highly encouraging as they raised a seminal debate on several significant issues concerning our polity. Such discourse must be transformed into a public debate, thereby generating greater public awareness, which can help in creating a certain degree of consensus on the need and the ways and means to address the burning issues confronting the nation. In the context of reform, only when the society internalizes a solution to a problem, could the reform process be meaningful and successful. Legal measures to address the complex socio-economic and political issues alone would become only ornamental appendages to the Statute Book. It is here that the media can play a constructive role by generating an informed discourse on political reform.

It needs reiteration that the common man’s concerns should get adequate space in public debate and in addressing the aberrations in the system. We need to create a sense of trust among the people by taking them on board the reforms process by helping to create a genuine feeling among them that their views and interests are given the weightage they deserve. This, I believe, is a way to fight the crisis of confidence that is felt by our people. Such collective spirit must be brought back to the center-stage of public discussion and the political system, to fight the menace of apathy that a majority of the people is demonstrating today.

  Nobody talks of an alternative to or substitute for Parliamentary Democracy. Therefore, with the realization that it is out of our Parliament that the leadership that runs the affairs of our country emerges, we have to ensure that political workers, specially young men and women with commitment and dedication to the cause of the people, come into Parliament and actively participate in working the system. For the healthy survival of the system, it is important to ensure that the negative public perception of politics and of those in public life do not cloud the minds of the younger generations. As there is nothing greater than one’s own country, they should be made to recognize that it is the collective and common responsibility of all the citizens to evolve ways and means to perfect our system of governance, rather than finding fault with it and running away from their responsibilities towards the system, expecting someone else to apply the correctives. The educated youth and the intelligentsia have a great responsibility in this. No one can guard our democracy better than the citizens themselves. This is the message that should be made loud and clear by the nation during the Fifteenth General Elections in the country.

Needless to say, the media can play a major role in reforming the polity and making our democracy vibrant. The highly competitive and commercially oriented media, as it is now, must come out of its obsession with sensationalism and focus attention on constructive issues and be critical, without fear or favour where it is necessary. Rather than becoming prophets of doom and undermining people’s faith in the institutions, it should endeavour to reinforce their trust in them. They would do well to remember that only in a democracy does a free media flourish. The market-driven competitive journalism will hurt the long-term interest of our political system beyond repair. Remember, once democratic institutions lose popular trust, it will herald the beginning of anarchy. 

We have seen the democratic system in operation in the country for over sixty years. As a system of governance, parliamentary democracy has suited India well, and there are no two questions about it. And, our Constitution was conceived by the best minds as an instrument to transform India into a modern, strong, dynamic and a forward-looking nation. There are some people who would argue that the Constitution has failed and, therefore, we must review it or scrap it and frame a new Constitution. At the same time, there are others who argue that it is 'we, the people' who have failed the Constitution. However, as inheritors of the great legacy of the freedom struggle, those associated with the institutions of democracy at different levels need to bear in mind that providing the structural framework of governance is much easier than making them function in a manner sensitive to the needs of the people, accommodating the concerns of the marginalised, and with an all-inclusive and long-term vision for the nation as a whole. Towards the end of the deliberations of our Constituent Assembly, its President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, exhorted its Members stating, I quote:

We have prepared a democratic Constitution. But successful working of democratic institutions requires in those who have to work them willingness to respect the viewpoints of others, capacity for compromise and accommodation.... Unquote.

It is high time all our democratic institutions began to demonstrate a greater degree of sensitivity and responsiveness to the growing disenchantment among the people with different aspects of our national life, particularly our political life.  Parliament, as the apex body, has the responsibility to deliberate on important issues and it is expected that those constituting it will rise above narrow, sectarian interests and will be instruments in helping to evolve a national perspective on all issues before the country. They should collectively focus on issues that unite us, rather than on those that tend to divide us. To my mind, democracy cannot be sustained unless everyone associated with its functioning demonstrates a democratic spirit and the spirit of accommodation. It is of the utmost importance to facilitate the functioning of democratic institutions and to use them as effective fora before which all other institutions of governance ultimately have to submit.

If we have to sustain and reinforce our people’s faith in the democratic institutions, we have to realize the imperative of integrity and honesty in our public life.  We need to seriously think about and address the issues of corruption, criminalisation and the communalisation of politics, the vicious role being played by money and muscle power, inadequate representation of women and the growing trend of bigotry and intolerance in our society.

We must spare no effort in combating the forces and elements which are trying to vitiate our socio-political fabric and undermine our democratic institutions. Divisive and exclusivist politics will have to give way to a broad-based national political agenda. The Agenda for India should be to strive together to ensure that the politics of confrontation and of intolerance gives way to one of reconciliation and accommodation in the larger national interest. I would appeal to all stakeholders of democracy to work together to correct the imperfections that have crept into the system and to remain on the course of inclusive development and thereby regain the trust and confidence of the people.

Our country is faced with various challenges on its security front, putting enormous pressure and making heavy demands on our security forces. The growing menace of terrorism, no matter what its source is, is the biggest threat to national security. Terrorism and its perpetrators have vitiated the social and political environment by unleashing a kind of tyranny over the minds of the people. What we have to bear in mind is that the objective of terrorists is not merely to inflict grave physical damage on lives and properties but also to disrupt civilized existence and orderly social relations by creating hatred and disharmony in society. Their chief targets are open democratic societies and they do not hesitate to exploit the strengths of democracy such as the freedom of movement, open access to public places, and relatively transparent sources of information in the public domain to execute their nefarious designs. Without doubt, only a united country can effectively deal with such challenges and for that to happen we have to strengthen the edifice of our democracy.

In a plural society like India, the representative institutions are what late V.K. Krishna Menon called ‘the safety valves’ in the larger social system. It is through the forum of our Parliament that the commitment to democracy is best expressed in India. The most important requirement for democratic institutions to perform well is to create conditions which are conducive for those institutions to function effectively.

In this critical juncture, we need statesmen, we need visionaries, we need sagacious leadership to steer the ship of the nation. Our endeavour should be to carry all sections of our people with us in the task of working a democratic system. The institutions of governance, particularly the Legislature, the Executive, and the Judiciary, along with a watchful Media, public-spirited Civil Service, and a vigilant Civil Society can all be collaborative partners in this national endeavour to uphold democracy.

We have to recognize that only under a progressive and forward looking leadership, committed to broad national values and inclusiveness, can a markedly pluralistic society facing enormous developmental challenges, harness the national talents for the holistic growth of the country. If centrifugal and centripetal forces work simultaneously pulling the country in opposite directions, not only will we be pulling our country backward, but we will be creating conditions for distortions and disintegration. Democratic consolidation and national integration can be successful only if the whole national leadership and the people at large, particularly the youth of the country, who have the greatest stake in its future, work with unity of purpose, with abiding faith in a value-based system taking every section of our diverse population along in the process. There is an urgent imperative for effective political polarisation around larger national issues and forward-looking policies and programmes relevant to all the classes and categories of our diverse population.

Friends, concerned as we all are with the future of our country, its prospects, its ability to fulfil the avowed mission of securing the all round development as envisioned in the Constitution and thus earning a place of honour among the comity of nations, we all have to introspect and collectively explore the ways and means to address the challenges before our country. The time has come when all sections of the people have to consider very seriously how a country like ours, with its great heritage and civilization, with the magnificent history of its freedom struggle and also with the great talent of its people, should come out of the present drawbacks and infirmities in the system and focus all energies for effective democratic consolidation and to achieve all-round development at a faster pace.  Given the will, we can surely do as this nation has shown in diverse areas, like in science and technology, in information technology, in the pulsating system of self-governance and in achieving a steady overall economic growth apart from maintaining the basic foundation of our democratic system. And as the world’s largest democracy goes to the polls yet again, every conscientious citizen should take informed decisions on the future of democracy in the country. I am sure the people will give their verdict, as they have always done, with maturity and farsightedness.

Before I conclude, I once again thank the Capital Foundation Society for providing me this opportunity to share my views with you all. I wish the Society all success in their future endeavours.

Thank you.